Banking; analysing through economics the Spanish banking system Essay

Banking; analysing through economics the Spanish banking system - Essay Example Globalization has brought about the integration of the world markets. In this sense the global market has tended to move towards a perfect and pure market structure as defined in the economic theory; however the exact form of global markets have remained far from the theoretical ideals of perfect and pure. Regardless of the product or service that is being studied; it is noticeable that all of a sudden the information flow has become more rapid, regulatory structures have been oriented more towards free market structures and the movement of capital and permission to access local markets has become freer. This has encouraged national businesses to aim to be global businesses and the global businesses to target national markets. However, the roughness in the control of market shares in the past has tended more towards monopolies but, structures have not stayed the same, these have become, in general, oligopolies. This aspect of globalisation has thus changed the very nature of competit ion and the markets will move forward into a new direction of perfect markets if globalisations are sustained and its true objective is achieved. The Banking industry is no exception. Competition in the banking sector depends largely upon the efficiency with which financial services are produced, the quality of financial service produced and the relative degree of innovation in the sector. (Claaessens and Laeven). This however depends upon how the banking sector competes with each other and what is the nature of the financial markets. This is important because the nature of the markets in the financial sector Banks enable consumers to do essential functions such as saving, investing and storing money or money equivalents.

Pacoima City Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Pacoima City - Research Paper Example It is the state of the city which determines whether the areas safe for living that is in terms of physical factors and social factors which are known as city form. Analysing political and social factors clearly describe how the city looks like and it will be so important for investors and people who may have interest in taking part in the activities of the city. Walkability is defined as a measure of how an area is friendly for walking. Walkability has many economic benefits, environmental benefits and health benefits. Walkability is influenced by a number of factors; these factors include the absence or the presents of quality sidewalks, footpaths or other right of way of pedestrians, road and traffic conditions, building accessibility, and land use patterns among others. Pedestrian travel provides both individuals and society with a wide range of benefits. Planners and public health officials alike have been promoting policies that improve the quality of the built environment for pedestrians: mixed land uses, interconnected street networks, sidewalks and other facilities (Cao, 2006). Whether such policies will prove effective remains open to debate. In particular, two issues need further attention. First, the impact of the built environment on pedestrian behaviour may depend on the purpose of the trip, whether for the purposes of utilitarian or recreational. Second, the connection between the built environment and pedestrian behaviour may be more a matter of residential location choice than of travel choice (Cao, 2006). This study aims to provide new evidence on both questions. Studies have found out that although residential self-selection impacts both types of trips, it is the most important factor explaining walking to a destination for instance, shopping. After accounting for self-selection, neighbourhood characteristics, more specifically the perceptions of these characteristics, impact strolling frequency, while characteristics of local commercial area s are important in facilitating these trips such as shopping. Additionally, walkability has proved to have more community health benefits and individually, those activities appears to increase the number of friends and the number of people to associate with in life and also social interaction at large. Carbon monoxide emissions will be reduced because when people prefer walking opposed to driving there will be less emission of carbon gases. Walkability has also economic benefits apart from other benefits, this include the accessibility, it saves cost to both the public and individuals, it will increase the use of land and there will be no land to be wasted, increase in liveability and also the economic benefits which will be found by improving public and individual health and economic developing among the other benefits. The benefits are mostly guaranteed to the entire city not only limited to certain routes which are specialized. According to the American institute for cancer resea rch and the world cancer research fund they released their report that the people should be encouraged walking, because that walking will decrease the cancer infection. Literature Review Walkability is that measure of how a particular area is friendly to walking. It has health-wise, economic and environmental benefits. There are many factors that influence walkability which include land use patterns, building accessibility, traffic and

Education in the United States Essay Example for Free

Education in the United States Essay India has made large strides in educating its population of more than a billion people, yet a lot remains to be done. It is commonplace now that education is both intrinsically valuable and also instrumental for economic well-being, and this is true for individuals and entire nations. No country in the world has been able to develop without the spread of mass education. An educated population is a prerequisite for take-off into high economic growth. Table 1 in the appendix shows literacy rates for India as a whole and by sex. It also shows the decadal rates of change from 1901 to the present. 2 Literacy rates have increased for both males and females, and though the latter continues to lag behind the former, there has been a narrowing of the male-female gap in literacy: from 24. 8% in 1991 to 21. 7% in 2001. In 2001, the absolute number of illiterates declined historically for the first time by nearly 32 million. In terms of state-wise performance, Kerala continues to occupy first rank as it has done historically; on the other hand, densely populated states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar are yet to overcome their educational inertia. 3 The average figures for India as a whole hide a great deal of variation among states. Table 2 in the appendix provides literacy rates for states for the years 1991 and 2001, for the population as a whole, by sex and also provides the decadal rate of change. In 2001, Kerala, Maharashtra and Himachal Pradesh had more than 75% of their population of 7+ years literate. On the other hand, even in 2001, less than half of Bihar’s population of seven years and above was literate with female literacy rate only 33. 6%. In terms of zones, states in the South and West outperform states in the North and East. 2. Primary Education Primary education refers to the education of children between the ages 6-11 years (grades 1-5). Universalization of Primary Education (UPE) is a constitutional provision in India and there has been a steady expansion in the spread of primary education since Indian independence in 1947. The Indian educational system is the second largest in the world after China. In 2001-02, there were nearly 0. 66 million primary schools in India 1 This study has been undertaken as part of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals Project. 2 Before the 1991 census, only those belonging to the age-group 0-4 years were excluded from the population in order to compute literacy rates and the basis of the computation was the entire population. From the 1991 census onward, literacy rates were computed based on the population aged 7+ years and above. 3 In Bihar, Nagaland and Manipur as well as Delhi and Chandigarh, the absolute number of illiterates has increased in the 1990s. 4 providing access to 84% of habitations with a primary school located within a distance of one kilometer. Between 1997 and 2002, the gross primary school enrolment rate4 for India was 111 for males and 92 for females. The net primary school enrolment rate5 on the other hand was only 78 for males and 64 for females. The net primary school attendance rate between 1999 and 2002 was 79 for males and 73 for females. However, of the children who entered primary school, only 68% reached grade 5 between 1995 and 1999 (UNICEF, 2004). Table 3 provides data on gross primary school enrolments by sex between 1950-51 and 2001-2002. As can be seen from the table there has been a steady increase in the numbers of boys and girls attending primary school over time. In Table 4, state-wise enrolment of boys and girls as a percentage of their age-group is provided for 1997-1998. Girls’ enrolment has been steadily increasing over time and in 2001-02, nearly 45% of girls in the age-group 6-11 were enrolled in school. These statistics are heartening because at least until the 1990s, one of the most dismal aspects of India’s education system was the large percentage of the population in the younger age groups that were out of school. Socio-economic disparities Despite the strong constitutional backing for the provision of primary education in India6 and its expansion over time, the system is characterized not only by low achievements but also by large unevenness of achievements. Huge gaps remain between rural and urban areas, and the probability of getting any education at all sharply depends on gender, caste and income. Women, scheduled castes and tribes and the poor are faced with formidable barriers when it comes to getting basic education. Of the 200 million children in the age group 6-14, it is estimated that 59 million are out of school. Of these 35 million are girls and 24 million are boys (Ministry of Human Development, GOI). Apart from socio-economic determinants, the educational infrastructure and the management and the governance of the educational system in India are far from efficient or sufficient. The government is the largest provider of education in India with only about 10% of primary schools owned by the private sector. 7 The quality of education provided by the public education system is low which translates into low educational abilities even for those who are able to complete primary education cycle. Moreover, there is a lot of ‘waste’ in the educational system with dropout rates as high as 40% for the country as a whole and in some Indian states, they are as high as 75%. Though the number of primary 4 Gross primary school enrolment rate is computed as the number of children enrolled in primary school regardless of age divided by the population of that age group. 5 Net primary school enrolment rate is computed as the number of children in that age group enrolled in primary school divided by the population of that age group. 6 In 2002, the Supreme Court of India decreed that free primary education was a constitutional right. 7 Around 3% of private schools are aided by the government, which makes government intervention in the education sector even greater. 5 schools in the country increased, more than 1 lakh8 habitations still do not have access to a primary school within a distance of one kilometer. Teacher-pupil ratios are inadequate: less than 2 teachers are available in rural areas to teach a class size of around 100 students. Teacher motivation and teaching incentives are also very weak. India perhaps has the highest rate of teacher truancy in the world. Poverty and Education. Empirical evidence strongly shows that, both at the level of the household as well as at the level of the country, there is a positive relationship between income (and wealth) and educational attainment. More income simply means more resources available to spend on the acquisition of education. With more than 250 million people in India living on less than a $1 a day, poverty remains a major barrier to educational access. Although education is provided ‘free’ by the government, the cost of uniforms, textbooks and transportation costs are beyond the reach of many households (Tilak, 2004). Added to these direct costs are the indirect (opportunity) costs of wage/domestic labor which children perform and the costs of acquiring education become considerable for households. Graphs 1 and 2 in the appendix show simple regressions of literacy rates for sixteen states against state poverty rates and state per capita income for 2001. As is expected, literacy rates decline with poverty and rise with per capita incomes. State per capita incomes seem to explain literacy rates better than poverty rates. Filmer and Pritchett (2001) using Demographic Health Survey data for India find that the gap in enrolment between the highest and the lowest wealth class is as much as 52 percentage points. Gupta (2003) using the 52nd round of National Sample Survey data finds that the percentage of people who have completed five years of schooling declines as one descends consumption deciles. In the lowest consumption decile, the proportion of people who have not completed the primary school cycle is greater than 80%. 9 While poverty status and income class are strong determinants of who goes to school and for how long, they do not make up the whole story. Indian states of Kerala and Himachal Pradesh even with fewer resources at their disposal have been able to achieve much better educational and health outcomes compared to rich states such as Punjab and Haryana in India. This is true even when we look at cross-country outcomes. For example, Sri Lanka and Botswana do much better in education and health terms than would be predicted based on their level of resources; the Latin American countries do much worse given their resources (Mehrotra and Jolly, 1998). 8 One lakh is equal to 100,000. 9. These graphs are meant to be illustrative of the association between resources and education and do not claim any direction of causality. The relationship between resources and educational attainment is bidirectional. The poor cannot afford schooling. With little human capital, the opportunities to escape persistent poverty are very restricted and the poor can be trapped in a low education, low income vicious cycle across generations. A large literature has analyzed both theoretically and empirically persistence of poverty inter-generationally due to lack of resources to invest in education.

EU Commission on Auditor Liabilities

EU Commission on Auditor Liabilities Auditors are increasingly finding that they are being targeted by those who feel that they have been wronged by the quality of the financial accounts. Auditors are required to consider the financial accounts that are prepared by the company and to establish whether they believe that they give a true and fair representation of the underlying financial position. By ‘true’ they are looking for whether the transaction actually occurred and by ‘fair’ they are looking to ascertain whether the value of the transaction has been accurately recorded. In the UK, there is a rule that liability for misstatement is joint and several between wrongdoers. This often results in auditors taking a much greater portion of the liability than would seem just. Auditors are often seen to have deep pockets due to their insurance policies and, as such, make more promising targets for those who believe that they have lost out financially due to the inaccuracy of the accounts[1]. Background to the EU Consultation on Auditor Liability There have been widespread concerns over this practice, with many countries operating a more proportional approach where the extent of the blame dictates the extent of the liability. The European Union has shown particular concern over the potential reduction in competition that this lack of capped liability leads to. With the limit level of professional insurance policies playing a huge role in the company’s decision as to which auditor to appoint, this is thought to favour the larger auditors and exclude the smaller players from some of the larger lucrative contracts. It is also thought that this requirement presents such a great barrier to entry for auditor firms that there is a real danger that the audit market is not operating competitively. The EU consultation undertook a study based on four possible options that were available to produce a cap for auditor liability. Firstly, they considered a monetary cap on a Europe wide basis. Secondly, they considered a monetary cap based on the size of the auditor firm. Thirdly, there was an option to produce a monetary cap based on a multiple of the audit fee and finally, they considered the option of member states entering into a policy of proportionate liability, which would require the courts to split the liability based on the level of responsibility for the breach and on a proportional basis. This could either be achieved through statutory provisions or through the contractual provision between the company and the auditor. Upon consultation, the commissioners found that there was overwhelming support for the concept of having a cap on auditor liability, both from inside and outside the auditing profession. The Commission noted that the issue of auditor liability was not a new one, with consideration having been given, in 2001, to whether the extent of the differences between the countries in relation to auditor liability would prevent a single market across Europe. Although, at this stage, the substantial differences across jurisdictions were recognised, they were not thought to be so large that anything had to be done to rectify the position. However, since 2002, the large scale collapse of Arthur Andersen has occurred, bringing the issue of potential liability caps back into the forefront. The Commission initially identified the potential problems that the current auditing regime causes in terms of market stability and competition within the auditing function. Considerable attention was paid to the issue of public interest and the need to have a stable auditing function which can be relied upon to be accurate. For an auditing function to be efficient, the company must be able to select an appropriate auditor for its business needs but still allow it to maintain the independence of the function so that the stakeholders can rely on the statements. It is accepted that auditors will not always be 100% accurate; however, they should be able to be relied upon as this is critical to the overall efficiency of the European capital markets. Concentration of the Audit Market The central importance of the auditing profession is not disputed, with investors relying on the financial statements in order to make investment decisions. However, the magnitude of the risk that auditors are exposed to is becoming increasingly worrying both for the auditors and for the general competitive landscape. Due to the nature of internationally listed companies, there are only four companies that are capable of providing the necessary auditing services. These are refereed to as the ‘Big Four’: Deloitte, KPMG, Price Waterhouse Coopers and Ernst Young. It is not necessarily the expertise that prevents others entering the market, but rather the high level of professional indemnity that is required which is simply not cost effective for smaller firms entering the market. It is recognised that there is little or no chance of a new entrant into the market, yet there is a danger that any one of the four could be forced out of the market, at any point, thus further re ducing the competition in large scale auditing. In reality, international auditing firms are not actually one large firm but are a network of smaller firms that recognise they are not able to manage the level of risk that is required for international auditing. With strict rules relating to auditing firms, it is unlikely that another network will emerge, making the international audit market particularly fragile[2]. Auditors often become the target in cases of insolvency as they are the ones with the resources available to deal with any financial losses due to misstatement. It is this potential redress that offers investors a degree of confidence in the market and, therefore, it is seen as desirable that auditors are held to be liable in situations where they get it wrong. However, it is recognised that the current joint and several approach is simply inefficient and consideration should be given to alternatives. For the auditing profession to be truly efficient, it is necessary for there to be a substantial degree of choice. This is not currently the case and effort should be made to ensure that the auditing options are widened so as to become accessible to other medium sized firms. One of the recognised ways of doing this is to have a liability cap or a proportionate regime so that the deep pocket syndrome does not restrict the choice of auditor to the hands of the big four[3]. Extent of Risk for an Auditor The major barriers for mid sized auditor firms are recognised as being the lack of available indemnity insurance and the large amount of potential risk that is involved when auditing large international firms. Clearly, an auditor has a duty towards the company itself, based on either contract or tort when it has behaved negligently or with wilful misconduct. The vast majority of cases are related to negligence and it is this area of liability that has generated the most interest from the European Commission[4]. Liability is clearly owed to the client itself; however, this has also extended to be liability towards third parties, causing further barriers to entry for mid sized auditing firms. For a third party to bring a claim, it is necessary for there to be a causation link between the act of negligence and the damages suffered by the third party which, although difficult to prove, has resulted in some high profile payouts further jeopardising the chances of mid tier firms entering the international auditing market[5]. At the heart of this widespread liability is the concept of joint and several liability. Under this process, a third party who has a claim against a director can also bring a claim against an auditor who has given an unqualified opinion as to the accuracy of the accounts. In a case of corporate insolvency, the directors rarely have any finances available to pay out third party losses, therefore, encouraging actions against the auditors who are seen to have ample financial backing. It is this high level of risk that the cap on liability is aiming to address. Oppositions to an Auditors’ Liability Cap Despite the overall acceptance of the need to do something to alter the balance of power within the international auditing market, one of the main objections was that placing a limit on liability would give the auditing profession a privileged position in comparison to other professions. A main aim of establishing a cap was to encourage mid sized firms to enter into the market and it is feared that a liability simply would not achieve this aim. Much of the exposure faced is outside of the EU (i.e. in the US)[6] and, therefore, the cap would make little or no difference. Equally, the insurance requirements would remain high. A cap would not make the insurance requirement less; it would simply make it more ascertainable. There are also concerns that the cap would encourage poor performances and weaker audits. From a competitive point of view, those in opposition to the cap were concerned that such a move would reduce the competitive position of European companies in comparison to other international jurisdictions where no such cap exists. Concerns were also raised that a cap on auditors’ liability would be contrary to the overall proposition of better regulation that the EU has been working towards, in recent years[7]. Alternative Options As it is accepted that the main reason for imposing such a cap would be to open up the international auditing market to other mid sized auditing firms; alternatives to a cap on liability were also considered by the EU because of the potentially negative competitive impact of such caps. One of the possible options is to impose a compulsory insurance on audit firms. There is currently an insurance gap where the amount that an insurer is prepared to insure an auditor for is substantially less than the potential liability. Forcing the auditor to take out insurance to cover all losses would not be practicable due to the high level of potential risk. Therefore, the premiums would be prohibitively expensive, particularly for the smaller firms. Alternatives to funding this additional insurance would have to come from investors or the companies themselves. Another approach would be to reduce the potential risk faced by auditors by introducing safe harbours. This would involve carving out certain areas from the potential liability of the auditor such as any external reviewers’ comments on the company or any future plans which have happened after the end of the financial accounting year. However, in doing this, there are fears that the underlying principle of professional judgment would be eroded in favour of formalised approaches to ensuring that as much of the safe harbour carve out could be enjoyed. EU Recommendations On considering all of these factors and a widespread discussion of the pros and cons of the possibility of a cap on auditors’ liability, the EU commission has established a proposal that aims to achieve the middle ground[8]. When considering the four options as stated above (cap for all European audits, cap based on size of audit firm, cap based on the fee and a proportionate regime), the EU Commission concluded that a combination of a proportionate liability and an auditors’ cap on liability would make the foundations of their recommendations. The report advised member states to require a limitation to auditors’ liability to be established either through a statutory cap, a limitation based on proportionality or limitation of liability through the contract between the audit company and the auditor. Proportional liability gained considerable support from the non-auditing respondents to the proposals as it was felt that this would deal with the issue of reliance on auditors’ deep pockets, but would also ensure that the quality of the audit would be maintained. The commission recommended that any member state implementing this approach should not set a specific proportion and should simply set the principle in place to be applied through the judicial processes, where necessary. Unsurprisingly, the auditing profession preferred the concept of a cap on liability, arguing that it would have no long term impact on the quality of the audit and would allow mid sized firms to enter the market. This was not entirely followed by the EU Commission who preferred to suggest a principle of proportionate liability. Based on all arguments, the EU Commission has advised a regime of proportionate liability across all member states. Conclusions The issue of auditors’ liability and how risk is apportioned has been raising concerns on an international level and has, therefore, become the subject of an EU Commission report. Currently, the international auditing market is heavily dominated by the big four accounting firms and several barriers of entry exist to prevent mid sized firms entering the market. Many of the barriers result directly from the fact that auditors are jointly and severally liable for misstatements in the financial accounts. Therefore, due to their deep pockets, auditors are often the main target for those taking actions against struggling companies[9]. Based on this position, the EU Commission looked into the option of establishing a cap on liability (either statutorily or through contractual provisions). After careful consideration of all of the options, it was felt that a principle of proportionality would be the best approach, given all of the issues raised. It was concluded that proportionality would reduce the deep pockets issue, yet would still ensure that the level of quality of auditing work is maintained. This level of proportionality should not be cast in stone and should be established on a case by case basis. It is anticipated that this will provide sufficient security for the smaller auditors to compete on a level playing field with the domain that has traditionally been that of the big four firms. Bibliography Allen, Robert D., Hermanson, Dana R., Kozloski, Thomas M., Ramsay, Robert J., Auditor Risk Assessment: Insights from the Academic Literature, Accounting Horizons, 20, 2006 Clarke, Frank L., Dean, G.W., Oliver, Kyle Gaius, Corporate Collapse: Accounting, Regulatory and Ethical Failure, Cambridge University Press, 2003 Garner, Don E., McKee, David L., McKee, Yosra AbuAmara, Accounting and the Global Economy After Sarbanes-Oxley, M.E. Sharpe, 2008 Hay, David, Davis, David, The Voluntary Choice of an Auditor of Any Level of Quality, Auditing: A Journal of Practice Theory, 23, 2004 Hillison, William, Pacini, Carl, Auditor Reputation and the Insurance Hypothesis: The Information Content of Disclosures of Financial Distress of a Major Accounting Firm, Journal of Managerial Issues, 16, 2004 Pacini, Carl, Hillison, William, Sinason, David, Auditor liability to third parties: an international focus, Managerial Auditing Journal, 15, 8, 2000 Pong, C.K.M., Burnett, S., The implications of merger for market share, audit pricing and non-audit fee income: The case of PricewaterhouseCoopers, Managerial Auditing Journal, 21, 1, 2006 Smith, Roy C., Walter, Ingo, Governing the Modern Corporation: Capital Markets, Corporate Control, and Economic Performance, Oxford University Press US, 2006 Soltani, Bahram, Auditing: An International Approach, Pearson Education, 2007 Footnotes [1] Pong, C.K.M., Burnett, S., The implications of merger for market share, audit pricing and non-audit fee income: The case of PricewaterhouseCoopers. Managerial Auditing Journal, 21, 1, 2006 [2] Clarke, Frank L., Dean, G. W., Oliver, Kyle Gaius, Corporate Collapse: Accounting, Regulatory and Ethical Failure, Cambridge University Press, 2003 [3] Soltani, Bahram Auditing, An International Approach, Pearson Education, 2007 [4] Hillison, William, Pacini, Carl, Auditor Reputation and the Insurance Hypothesis: The Information Content of Disclosures of Financial Distress of a Major Accounting Firm, Journal of Managerial Issues, 16, 2004 [5] Pacini, Carl, Hillison, William, Sinason, David, Auditor liability to third parties: an international focus, Managerial Auditing Journal, 15, 8, 2000 [6] Garner, Don E., McKee, David L., McKee, Yosra AbuAmara, Accounting and the Global Economy After Sarbanes-Oxley, M.E. Sharpe, 2008 [7] Hay, David, Davis, David, The Voluntary Choice of an Auditor of Any Level of Quality, Auditing: A Journal of Practice Theory, 23, 2004 [8] Smith, Roy C., Walter, Ingo, Governing the Modern Corporation: Capital Markets, Corporate Control, and Economic Performance, Oxford University Press US, 2006 [9] Allen, Robert D., Hermanson, Thomas, Dana R., Kozloski, M., Ramsay, Robert J., Auditor Risk Assessment: Insights from the Academic Literature, Accounting Horizons, 20, 2006

Dick Diver as Control Freak in Fitzgeralds Tender is the Night Essays :: Tender is the Night Essays

Dick Diver as Control Freak in Tender Is the Night       In Fitzgerald's Tender is the Night, Dick Diver is assigned the role of doctor, but he does not play this role convincingly. In modern technical terms, Diver is a control freak, more dysfunctional than his star patient and wife, Nicole Diver. As Diver loses control of more and more situations and begins to assume Nicole's instabilities, his integrity lessens -- he becomes more of a drunkard and less of a psychiatrist.    Diver's profession as a psychiatrist is the first signal Fitzgerald gives the reader that Diver's character thrives on understanding and conquering the human mind. Diver has only one plan: "To be a good psychologist -- maybe to be the greatest one that ever lived" (Fitzgerald, Tender, 132). This goal represents Diver's interest in overpowering others initially through medical practice and his understanding that he has the capacity to do so. Rooted in Diver's past, the desire to control portrays itself later in Diver's relationships and calculated behaviors.    Fitzgerald highlights Diver's incessant need to control people when describing the Divers' notorious parties. Diver wants "to give a really bad party ... a party where there's a brawl and seductions and people going about home with their feelings hurt and women passed out in the cabinet de toilette" (27). To achieve this goal, Diver has perfected the skill of manipulating his guests, so that "he won everyone quickly with an exquisite consideration and a politeness that moved so fast and intuitively that it could be examined only in its effect (27-28). Diver believes he has the power to dictate the behavior of his guests and the outcome of his parties. Playing with people has become a hobby of Diver's, as he must be in control of his guests and the evening at all times.    Diver's controlling nature presents itself not only at his parties, but also in his relations with Nicole Diver. While Diver does love his wife, he nonetheless "handles" her, always treating her like a patient over whom he has power. During their courtship, the letters Diver sends to Nicole Diver say mostly, "be a good girl and mind the doctors" (130). These were not traditional love letters, rather letters between an adoring patient and her doctor. Diver retained his superior status as doctor who had control over her while corresponding with her, as his letters contained commands for her behavior -- he knew she would follow his directions.

Free Essays on A Dolls House: An Essay :: Dolls House essays

A Doll House A Doll House was one of Henrik Ibsen's most controversial plays. He wrote this realistic play in 1879. Ibsen's writing style of realism was clearly shown in this play. This play was controversial at the time it was written, shocking conservative readers. But, at the same time, the play served as a rallying point for supporters of a drama with different ideas. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Art Nouveau style became an international movement. For the first time in decorative arts history there was a simultaneous movement throughout Europe and America. Art Nouveau brought the finest designers and craftsmen together in order to design buildings, furniture, wallpaper, fabrics, ceramics, metalwork and glasswork. Art Nouveau was considered more than a style, it was a philosophy. From this philosophy carefully designed articles for the home were designed intended to fit into the scheme of the whole Art Nouveau style. Line was the most important aspect of the Art Nouveau period. Art Nouveau was a rebellion against machine made articles of the 19th century that were copies of past designs. Art Nouveau was also a reaction against the old Victorian tradition. Art Nouveau designers borrowed from the past but because of the emphasis on line and adaptation of natural forms to design. Art Nouveau is easily distinguishable from any other p eriod in decorative arts. In conjunction with Art Nouveau style, the Edwardian style of costume and dress was also implemented during this time period. The Edwardian style embodied both extravagance and pageantry. A Doll House was a play written well ahead of its time. This play was written in a time when it was considered an outrage for a woman such as Nora not only to display a mind of her own, but also to leave her husband in order to obtain her freedom. This play relates to the Art Nouveau and Edwardian period because just as the furniture and clothing were considered decorative pieces, so were women. Women were expected only to tend to the husband's and children's needs. Women were not supposed to do anything without first consulting the husband and certainly never do anything without his prior knowledge and approval. Women were expected to be at home and always looking presentable for their husbands. *Please note all visual elements for this term paper can be viewed at the conclusion of this project.

Poem Explication Essay

The first two lines show the king’s envy of other people in his court who unlike him can sleep soundly. Subsequently, he blames his not being able to sleep upon nature and questions why it has not made him sleepy yet. Line five seems particularly important because there King Henry hints that what he really wants is not sleep itself but the forgetfulness that comes with it. This line somewhat shows why the king is not able to sleep. King Henry wants nature to steep his sense of forgetfulness and let him rest but it does not, and so the king further questions nature as to why those that he considers below him are granted what he is not. He contrasts the common sleeping area with that of his grand chambers in lines six to eleven and asks nature why it would choose the former over the latter. In this part of the poem, the king describes the first sleeping place as shabby and poor while describing his own bed chambers as â€Å"perfumed† with sheets that are very expensive. This shows that the king thinks highly of his status as being superior to others as first expressed in the poem’s first two lines. The king further establishes this in the next lines of the poem, comparing himself to a lowly cabin boy who is probably somewhere sleeping while the monstrous winds rocked the ship floor where he slept. The king again contrasts it to his own situation, peacefully lying down without the disturbance of a heavy storm and again questions why he is denied of sleep. The last line supports the inference made in the fifth line. The words â€Å"uneasy lies the head that wears this crown† denotes that the king cannot sleep because there was something that was really bothering him. Reference The Second part of King Henry the Fourth. Retrieved March 27, 2008 from: http://shakespeare.mit.edu/2henryiv/2henryiv.3.1.html